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Some of the following terms are equivalent to the term "false dilemma", some refer to special forms of false dilemmas and others refer to closely related concepts. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Informal fallacy involving falsely limited alternatives. See also: Splitting psychology and Binary opposition. Philosophy portal Psychology portal.
Bivalence Choice architecture Degrees of truth Dichotomy Euthyphro dilemma Fallacy of the single cause Half-truth Hobson's choice Law of excluded middle Lewis' trilemma Loaded question Love—hate relationship Many-valued logic Morton's fork Mutually exclusive Nolan Chart Nondualism None of the above Obscurantism Pascal's Wager Perspectivism Political systems One-party system Two-party system Rogerian argument Show election Slippery slope Sorites paradox Splitting psychology Strange loop § In cognitive science Straw man Thinking outside the box Unreasonable You're either with us, or against us.
doi : S2CID Partial List of Fallacies". Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Retrieved 13 March Informal Logical Fallacies: A Brief Guide. The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Metaphysics Research Lab, Stanford University. Morris Fallacies of presumption". With Good Reason an Introduction to Informal Fallacies.
The Oxford Companion to Philosophy. Oxford University Press. The logic of propositions". Informal Fallacies: Towards a Theory of Argument Criticisms. John Benjamins. The New York Review of Books, Volume 30, Number 16, October 27, Upper Saddle River, N. ISBN Retrieved 31 October Linguistic fuzzy logic methods in social sciences 1. Berlin, Germany: Springer. The New York Times.
Psychiatric Times. Martin May Retrieved Look up false dilemma or false dichotomy in Wiktionary, the free dictionary. Fallacies list. Affirming a disjunct Affirming the consequent Denying the antecedent Argument from fallacy Masked man Mathematical fallacy.
Existential Illicit conversion Proof by example Quantifier shift. Affirmative conclusion from a negative premise Negative conclusion from affirmative premises Exclusive premises Existential Necessity Four terms Illicit major Illicit minor Undistributed middle. Equivocation False equivalence False attribution Quoting out of context Loki's Wager No true Scotsman Reification. False dilemma Perfect solution Denying the correlative Suppressed correlative.
Composition Division Ecological. Accident Converse accident. Accent False precision Moving the goalposts Quoting out of context Slippery slope Sorites paradox Syntactic ambiguity. Animistic Furtive Correlation implies causation Cum hoc Post hoc Gambler's Inverse Regression Single cause Slippery slope Texas sharpshooter. Argumentum ad baculum Wishful thinking. Appeal to motive Association Reductio ad Hitlerum Godwin's law Reductio ad Stalinum Bulverism Poisoning the well Tone Tu quoque Whataboutism.
Ad nauseam Sealioning Argument from anecdote Argument from silence Argument to moderation Argumentum ad populum. Propaganda techniques. Ad hominem Appeal to fear Atrocity propaganda Bandwagon effect Big lie Blood libel Buzzword Censorship Cherry picking Demonizing the enemy Disinformation Dog-whistle politics Doublespeak Fake news Flag-waving Framing Gish gallop Glittering generality Historical negationism Historical revisionism Ideograph Indoctrination Lawfare Loaded language Newspeak Obscurantism Plain folks Propaganda of the deed Public relations Rally 'round the flag effect Slogan Spin Weasel word Whataboutism.
Categories : Barriers to critical thinking Deception Dilemmas Error Ignorance Informal fallacies Propaganda. Hidden categories: Articles with short description Short description is different from Wikidata. Navigation menu Personal tools Not logged in Talk Contributions Create account Log in. Namespaces Article Talk. Views Read Edit View history. Main page Contents Current events Random article About Wikipedia Contact us Donate.
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Please check back soon for future events, and sign up to receive invitations to our events and briefings. December 1, Speaker Series on California's Future — Virtual Event.
November 30, Virtual Event. November 18, Annual Water Conference — In-Person and Online. We believe in the power of good information to build a brighter future for California. Help support our mission. Mark Baldassare , Dean Bonner , Rachel Lawler , and Deja Thomas. Supported with funding from the Arjay and Frances F. Miller Foundation and the James Irvine Foundation. California voters have now received their mail ballots, and the November 8 general election has entered its final stage.
Amid rising prices and economic uncertainty—as well as deep partisan divisions over social and political issues—Californians are processing a great deal of information to help them choose state constitutional officers and state legislators and to make policy decisions about state propositions.
The midterm election also features a closely divided Congress, with the likelihood that a few races in California may determine which party controls the US House. These are among the key findings of a statewide survey on state and national issues conducted from October 14 to 23 by the Public Policy Institute of California:.
Today, there is a wide partisan divide: seven in ten Democrats are optimistic about the direction of the state, while 91 percent of Republicans and 59 percent of independents are pessimistic. Californians are much more pessimistic about the direction of the country than they are about the direction of the state. Majorities across all demographic groups and partisan groups, as well as across regions, are pessimistic about the direction of the United States.
A wide partisan divide exists: most Democrats and independents say their financial situation is about the same as a year ago, while solid majorities of Republicans say they are worse off. Regionally, about half in the San Francisco Bay Area and Los Angeles say they are about the same, while half in the Central Valley say they are worse off; residents elsewhere are divided between being worse off and the same.
The shares saying they are worse off decline as educational attainment increases. Strong majorities across partisan groups feel negatively, but Republicans and independents are much more likely than Democrats to say the economy is in poor shape. Today, majorities across partisan, demographic, and regional groups say they are following news about the gubernatorial election either very or fairly closely.
In the upcoming November 8 election, there will be seven state propositions for voters. Due to time constraints, our survey only asked about three ballot measures: Propositions 26, 27, and For each, we read the proposition number, ballot, and ballot label.
Two of the state ballot measures were also included in the September survey Propositions 27 and 30 , while Proposition 26 was not. This measure would allow in-person sports betting at racetracks and tribal casinos, requiring that racetracks and casinos offering sports betting make certain payments to the state to support state regulatory costs. It also allows roulette and dice games at tribal casinos and adds a new way to enforce certain state gambling laws. Fewer than half of likely voters say the outcome of each of these state propositions is very important to them.
Today, 21 percent of likely voters say the outcome of Prop 26 is very important, 31 percent say the outcome of Prop 27 is very important, and 42 percent say the outcome of Prop 30 is very important. Today, when it comes to the importance of the outcome of Prop 26, one in four or fewer across partisan groups say it is very important to them.
About one in three across partisan groups say the outcome of Prop 27 is very important to them. Fewer than half across partisan groups say the outcome of Prop 30 is very important to them. When asked how they would vote if the election for the US House of Representatives were held today, 56 percent of likely voters say they would vote for or lean toward the Democratic candidate, while 39 percent would vote for or lean toward the Republican candidate. Democratic candidates are preferred by a point margin in Democratic-held districts, while Republican candidates are preferred by a point margin in Republican-held districts.
Abortion is another prominent issue in this election. When asked about the importance of abortion rights, 61 percent of likely voters say the issue is very important in determining their vote for Congress and another 20 percent say it is somewhat important; just 17 percent say it is not too or not at all important. With the controlling party in Congress hanging in the balance, 51 percent of likely voters say they are extremely or very enthusiastic about voting for Congress this year; another 29 percent are somewhat enthusiastic while 19 percent are either not too or not at all enthusiastic.
Today, Democrats and Republicans have about equal levels of enthusiasm, while independents are much less likely to be extremely or very enthusiastic. As Californians prepare to vote in the upcoming midterm election, fewer than half of adults and likely voters are satisfied with the way democracy is working in the United States—and few are very satisfied. Satisfaction was higher in our February survey when 53 percent of adults and 48 percent of likely voters were satisfied with democracy in America.
Today, half of Democrats and about four in ten independents are satisfied, compared to about one in five Republicans. Notably, four in ten Republicans are not at all satisfied. In addition to the lack of satisfaction with the way democracy is working, Californians are divided about whether Americans of different political positions can still come together and work out their differences.
Forty-nine percent are optimistic, while 46 percent are pessimistic. Today, in a rare moment of bipartisan agreement, about four in ten Democrats, Republicans, and independents are optimistic that Americans of different political views will be able to come together.
Notably, in , half or more across parties, regions, and demographic groups were optimistic. Today, about eight in ten Democrats—compared to about half of independents and about one in ten Republicans—approve of Governor Newsom. Across demographic groups, about half or more approve of how Governor Newsom is handling his job. Approval of Congress among adults has been below 40 percent for all of after seeing a brief run above 40 percent for all of Democrats are far more likely than Republicans to approve of Congress.
Fewer than half across regions and demographic groups approve of Congress. Approval in March was at 44 percent for adults and 39 percent for likely voters.
Across demographic groups, about half or more approve among women, younger adults, African Americans, Asian Americans, and Latinos. Views are similar across education and income groups, with just fewer than half approving. Approval in March was at 41 percent for adults and 36 percent for likely voters.
Across regions, approval reaches a majority only in the San Francisco Bay Area. Across demographic groups, approval reaches a majority only among African Americans. This map highlights the five geographic regions for which we present results; these regions account for approximately 90 percent of the state population. Residents of other geographic areas in gray are included in the results reported for all adults, registered voters, and likely voters, but sample sizes for these less-populous areas are not large enough to report separately.
The PPIC Statewide Survey is directed by Mark Baldassare, president and CEO and survey director at the Public Policy Institute of California.
Coauthors of this report include survey analyst Deja Thomas, who was the project manager for this survey; associate survey director and research fellow Dean Bonner; and survey analyst Rachel Lawler.
The Californians and Their Government survey is supported with funding from the Arjay and Frances F. Findings in this report are based on a survey of 1, California adult residents, including 1, interviewed on cell phones and interviewed on landline telephones.
The sample included respondents reached by calling back respondents who had previously completed an interview in PPIC Statewide Surveys in the last six months. Interviews took an average of 19 minutes to complete. Interviewing took place on weekend days and weekday nights from October 14—23, Cell phone interviews were conducted using a computer-generated random sample of cell phone numbers.
Additionally, we utilized a registration-based sample RBS of cell phone numbers for adults who are registered to vote in California. All cell phone numbers with California area codes were eligible for selection. After a cell phone user was reached, the interviewer verified that this person was age 18 or older, a resident of California, and in a safe place to continue the survey e. Cell phone respondents were offered a small reimbursement to help defray the cost of the call. Cell phone interviews were conducted with adults who have cell phone service only and with those who have both cell phone and landline service in the household.
Landline interviews were conducted using a computer-generated random sample of telephone numbers that ensured that both listed and unlisted numbers were called. Additionally, we utilized a registration-based sample RBS of landline phone numbers for adults who are registered to vote in California. All landline telephone exchanges in California were eligible for selection. For both cell phones and landlines, telephone numbers were called as many as eight times.
When no contact with an individual was made, calls to a number were limited to six. Also, to increase our ability to interview Asian American adults, we made up to three additional calls to phone numbers estimated by Survey Sampling International as likely to be associated with Asian American individuals. Accent on Languages, Inc. The survey sample was closely comparable to the ACS figures. To estimate landline and cell phone service in California, Abt Associates used state-level estimates released by the National Center for Health Statistics—which used data from the National Health Interview Survey NHIS and the ACS.
The estimates for California were then compared against landline and cell phone service reported in this survey. We also used voter registration data from the California Secretary of State to compare the party registration of registered voters in our sample to party registration statewide. The sampling error, taking design effects from weighting into consideration, is ±3. This means that 95 times out of , the results will be within 3.
The sampling error for unweighted subgroups is larger: for the 1, registered voters, the sampling error is ±4. For the sampling errors of additional subgroups, please see the table at the end of this section. Sampling error is only one type of error to which surveys are subject. Results may also be affected by factors such as question wording, question order, and survey timing.
We present results for five geographic regions, accounting for approximately 90 percent of the state population. Residents of other geographic areas are included in the results reported for all adults, registered voters, and likely voters, but sample sizes for these less-populous areas are not large enough to report separately.
We also present results for congressional districts currently held by Democrats or Republicans, based on residential zip code and party of the local US House member. We compare the opinions of those who report they are registered Democrats, registered Republicans, and no party preference or decline-to-state or independent voters; the results for those who say they are registered to vote in other parties are not large enough for separate analysis.
We also analyze the responses of likely voters—so designated per their responses to survey questions about voter registration, previous election participation, intentions to vote this year, attention to election news, and current interest in politics.
The percentages presented in the report tables and in the questionnaire may not add to due to rounding. Additional details about our methodology can be found at www. pdf and are available upon request through surveys ppic.
October 14—23, 1, California adult residents; 1, California likely voters English, Spanish. Margin of error ±3.
Today, 21 percent of likely voters say the outcome of Prop 26 is very important, 31 percent say the outcome of Prop 27 is very important, and 42 percent say the outcome of Prop 30 is very important. If al-Qaeda wanted to revive slavery, it never said so. But its threat to the United States is smaller than its all too frequent conflation with al-Qaeda would suggest. Prices of state-contingent claims implicit in option prices. Peter Bergen, who produced the first interview with bin Laden in , titled his first book Holy War, Inc.This strand has proved appealing to many Muslims cursed or blessed with a psychological longing to see every jot and tittle of the holy texts implemented as they were in the earliest days of Islam. Coauthors of this report include survey analyst Deja Thomas, who was the project manager for this survey; associate survey director and research fellow Dean Bonner; and survey analyst Rachel Lawler. The term Salafi has been villainized, in part because authentic villains have ridden into battle waving the Salafi banner, binary options phenomenon. Navigation menu Personal tools Not logged in Talk Contributions Binary options phenomenon account Log in. Across demographic groups, about half or more approve of how Governor Newsom is handling his job. Californians are much more pessimistic about the direction of the country than they are about the direction of the state.